 The whole expenditure of the American States on all establishments, civil and military, did not amount, in the last year, to 180,000l.

                      
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At four o'clock yesterday morning Mess. Muir, Skirving, and Margarot, were taken from their beds, without any previous notice, *hand-cuffed*, and put into a post-chaise, to be conveyed to Woolwich, where a vessel waits to sail with them immediately for Botany Bay.

Mr. Palmer has, we understood, been sent from on board the hulks, in the same manner, to take his passage on board the same vessel.

Between 10 and 11 o'clock, about sixty female convicts were put on board a vessel at Blackfriars bridge, destined to the same voyage. These latter behaved in a most turbulent manner and even fought in the hold of the boat. There were among them one or two well dressed women ; and what was more lamentable in the eyes of the spectator, some of had infants with them.

                      
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The Quakers of America have addressed an humble Representation to the Legislative Body of that country, praying that exhibitions, Preludes, Interludes, yea, all *lewds*  and stage-plays may be discountenanced, pointing out their pernicious tendency in corrupting the morals of the People.

                      
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 The laws of the State of Pennsylvania, and that of Massachusetts, by which the punishment of death is abolished, in all cases except for wilful murder, are about to be adopted by the respective Legislatures of all the other States. The system of the great and merciful???caria, has taken place of the sanguinary Penal laws of England.

The abolition of Negro slavery, which has taken shape in the five New England States of New Hampshire, Massachusets, Rhode island, Connecticut, and Vermont; in the Midland States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delawar; and in the Western State of Kentucky, for several years past is now extended, by act of Congress to the Southern States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Maryland; and the emancipation of the remainder of that unfortunate race of men is to take place on or before the fifth of November, 1795.

The Legislature of the State of Massachusetts has g???ed a part of the public lands to the emancipated Negroes of that State, in proportion to the numbers of the respective families, where the liberal and philanthropic mind is gratified, by seeing them erect villages cultivate farms, and form communities of civilized Societies.

Before the Gentleman, who has favoured us with this Intelligence, left America, they had established a Lodge of Masonry; and he had the satisfaction of seeing them on a grand day, parade to Church in all the magnificence of the Order, where a sermon was preached, on the occasion, by one of their own colour. They have also endowed public schools, employed??? and erected places of Public Worship.

The Officers, Non-commissioned Officers, and Soldiers, who served in the Continental army and established the Liberty of their Country, have at last received a reward, infinitely beyond their expectations, but every way corresponding with the liberty of a great and rising Republic.

Five hundred acres of land have been voted by Congress, this last Session, to each individual, who served throughout the war; and to the defendants of those who fell in contending for the Rights of Nature, and eequal proportion to those who served for a shorter period; and to prevent its being sold at a price under its real value, to the injury of the Patriotic Veteran, as has been the case of former grants, he is allowed his option of taking its value in sterling money, at the present market price, from the Treasure of the States; or any part in land, and the rest in money,a s may be most agreeable to the receiver.

The Mint of the United States, which was established two years since, has begun to issue its hold and silver coin: the copper has been delivered some time. The gold coins are eagles, half eagles, and quarter eagles.

The first is exactly five and forty shillings, English money, or ten American coin.

The dollars are coined in the same divisions of half, and quater, which makes the courie of exchange simple, and suits the reckoning to a very capacity–as our Readers will perceive, that ten quarter dollars make the quarter eagle; ten half dollars the half eagle; and ten dollars the eagle.

There is, besides, one more silver coin, which is called a Dime, and is the tenth part of a dollar.

The copper coin is called a Cent, and is the tenth part of a Dime.

Six of the ships of war, which were voted by Congress in November last, are completed and put in commission: the remaining twenty four will be ready by Midsummer next, and will complete a fleet of???hundred guns.

The city of Washington, which in five years more will be the Capital of the United States, will in every respect be the first in the world: the Capitol or Congress House is situated upon a beautiful eminence, and c??? a full and complete view of every part of the city, as well as a considerable extent of the country around. The President's house likewise stands upon a rising ground near the banks of the Potamac, possessing a delightful water prospect, together with a commanding view of the Capitol and some other material parts of the city.

From the President's house to the Capitol, run two great pleasure parks or malls, which intersect and terminate upon the banks of the Potomac, and are ornamented at the sides by elegant buildings for Foreign Ministers. The four fronts of the Capitol, as well as those of the President's house, are of the finest marble. The building of these superb edifices has been much retarded by the want of stone cutters, masons, bricklayers, carpenters, and blacksmiths, who at this time actually receive the enormous wages of ten shillings American currency per day.

The district of Country at the back of North Carolina, reaching to the Mississippi, and covering a country six hundred miles long by three hundred broad, is next winter to be formed into a Sixteenth State; and the Province of Maine, extending from the borders of New Hampshire to the river St. Croix, is expected to form a Seventeenth.

The new cities build in America since her independence are Grenville, in the State of Georgia; Martenberg, the Capitol of North Carolina; Columbia, the Capital of South Carolina; Noxville and Nashville, in the Tenesee Settlements; Danville, Fairfield, and Lexington, in the State of Kentucky; Washington, the Capital of the United States; Sunbury, in the State of Pennsylvania; Hudson, upon Husdon's River, and Cooper's Town, in the State of New York; Bennington, in the State of Vermont; and Paterson, in the State of New Jersey. All the towns burnt by the English in the was, have been rebuilt, and the old cities of Charlestown, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, have been extended to more than double the extent they had before the peace.

The population of the United States, by the last Census in 1790, was more than double what it was in 1775, by which it appears, that America doubles her number of people every fifteen years. The emigrations from the different nations in Europe to that country, are esimated at one hundred and sixty thousand annually. The increase of farms and villages has been so great as to people four new States, and to extend their Settlements from the Atlantic to the Ohio in the South, and from the Atlantic to the Lakes on the River St. Lawrence in the North.

                      
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Letters from Quebec, dated Nov. 17, say, that every thing was quiet in that province.

Some letters from Quebec were on Saturday received at the General Post Office, which state that the American army under the command of General Wayne had been routed by the Otoway Indians; an advanced party of 200 men had been entirely cut off: his army consisted of 400 regulars and 2,000 volunteers.

                      
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LANDS in AMERICA for SALE.

 THESE two adjoining TRACKS of LAND in the County of FAYETTE and State of KENTUCKY. The one track consists of 7000 acres, and is divided into 15 plantations of 500 acres each; eight of these plantations, are still unsold, and are now offered at the low price of 137l. being only 5s. 6d. per acre. The other track counsists of 3086 acres, and is to be sold in one lot, at 5s. 6d. per acre. There is a fine stream of water running through these two tracks of land, which communicates with the great river Ohio, so that Mills may be erect.

 In Fayette County is Lexington, where the Courts of the State of Kentucky are held, and where all public business is transacted Lexington is in the neighbourhood of these lands, and Fayette county is the nearest and most convenient for Philadelphia, Baltimore, City of Washington, &c. The soil of Kentucky is deep and black, and lies upon a bed of lime-stone and coal. THe natural grown of the country are large walnuts, honey, poplar and sugar trees. The surface is covered with blue grass, clover, and wild rye, grape vines running to the tops of the trees. Shrubs and plants grow spontaneously, and afford a beautiful blossom of a rich and exquisite fragrance. Cotton and sugar are manufactured to advantage. wheat ,barley, oats, flax, and hemp, yield abundantly; indeed, it is assumed that there have been raised 100 bushels upon one acre, but the common produce is from 40 to 60 bushels an acre.

 Owing to the peculiar richness of the soil, and fine climate of the country, no part of America has been to repidly settled. The returns made to Congress, upon 1st May 1792 state them at 76 000. In March 1793, there were upwards of 100,000. And, from their astonishing increase since, they may be estimated at 200,000. Eleven years ago, Kentucky lay in a forest, but now she exhibits an extensive settlement, divided into seven populous counties, in which are a great number of flourishing towns, and contains more inhabitants than are in Georgia, Delaware, and Rhode Island States. There are about 70 churches in Kentucky and mostly PResbyterians. There is a College; and Schools are established in every town. There is a Printing-office; a Weekly Gazette published. There are Paper Mills, O??? Mills,???ing Mills, Saw Mills, and a great number of Grist Mills. Considerable quantities of Sugar, are made from the Sugar Trees. Salt-works are in every part of the country, and the inhabitants are supplied at a low price.

 The taxes upon land are very low. Any person who goes from Europe becomes an American Citizen on his arrival in this new State, and is entitled to be elected to any office in the Commonwealth.

 For farther particulars apply to MR. John Granger, writer to the signet; David Niven, writer, Glasgow; or to Mr. John Finlayson, writer, Cupar Fife;

                      
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 The following new cities, independent of innumerable small towns, have been lately begun to be built in America. The city of Washington, which, in the year 1800, is to be the capital of the United States; the city of Paterson, in the State of New Jersey; the city of Hudson, upon the North River, in the state of New York; the city of Columbia, which is now the capital of the State of South Carolina; the city of Martenberg, now the capital of North Carolina; the city of Knoxcille, in teh new district of Franklyn; the city of Nuskville, in the new district of Cumberland; the city of Lexington, and the city of Donxville, in the new State of Kentucky; and the city of Bennington, in the new state of Vermont. The ground is also marked out, and the lots are upon sale, for building one more new city, to be called Newport, on the river Potowmac, and another called Athens, on the banks of the Mississippi.

                      
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FEDERAL LEGISLATURE.

House *of *Representatives. *Dec*. 3.

 THE Secretary of the Senate announced, that the Members of the Senate were ready to admit the Members of the House of Representatives in the Senate Chamber, in order to receive the President's communication.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND OF  THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

 Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to me fellow citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While on the one hand it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality with which I have been honoured by my country; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief, that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives; and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power; and I humbly implore that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavors for the general happiness.

 As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United States have the most extensive relations there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question, by the suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed therefore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties; and to obtain by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. Under these impressions, the proclamation, which will be laid before you, was issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system which will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our treaty of commerce with France, to be brought into our ports; I have not refused to cause them to be restored, when they were taken within the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned, or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States.

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the legal code, and the jurisdiction of the Courts of the United States to many cases which, though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some further provisions.

 Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military expeditions or enterprizes within the jurisdiction of the United States; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate; those offenses cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.

In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false colour of being hostile property; and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory; it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the executive is to be the resort in either of the two last mentioned cases it is hoped that he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own information, he shall request it.

I can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense, and of exacting from *them*  the fulfillment of *their*  duties toward *us*. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; If we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war. The documents which will be presented to you will shew the amount, and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger.

Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of Republican Government. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of the United States. But it is an enquiry which cannot be too solemnly pursued, whether the act, "more effectually to provide for the national defense by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own experience in the several States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme; and whether a material feature in an improvement of it ought not to be to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone.

The connection of the United States with Europe has become extremely interesting. The occurrences which relate to it ,and have passed under the knowledge of the Executive, will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the Commissioners evince a moderation and equity; proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality, having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them, during the remainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence, which relate to this important subject,  you will determine whether the deficiency in the number of troops granted by law shall be compensated by succors of militia, or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits.

An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Executive for peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited during the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers which will be delivered to you, disclose the critical footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes; and it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done.

 After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit their most serious labours to render tranquillity with the savages permanent, by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian nations in behalf of the United States, is most likely to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion; with constant and plentiful supplies; with a ready market for the commodities of the Indians, and a stated price for what they give in payment and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic, unless they be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United States to be reimbursed only. Should this recommendation accord with the opinion of Congress, they will recollect that it can not be accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the Executive.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF  REPRESENTATIVES,

 The commissioners charged with the settlement of the accounts between the United and Individual States concluded their important function within the limited time by law; and the balances struck in their report, which will be laid before congress, have been placed on the books of the Treasury.

On the 1st day of June last, an installment of on million of florins became payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement, in nature of a new loan, at an interest of five per cent. for the term of ten years; and the expenses of this operation were a commission of three per cent.

The first installment of the loan of two millions of dollars from the Bank of the United States, has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second it is necessary that provision be made.

No pecuniary consideration is more urgent, than the redemption and discharge of the public debt: On none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable.

The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto, has continued to equal the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite: and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with a due regard to the convenience of ourcitizens who can not but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions to obviate a future accumulation of burdens.

But here I can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the government of the United States as the affections of the People guided by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good, nothing can conduce more than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused, without restraint, throughout the United States. An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the  current service of the ensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores, made during the recess will be presented to Congress.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

 The several subjects, to which I have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task:–Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost.–But as the legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candour, so shall not the public happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, Dec. 3, 1793

The President having withdrawn, the Members of the House of Representatives returned to their Chamber, where the President's Address was read, and referred to a Committee to report the draft of an answer.

A Committee was then appointed to report the unfinished business of the last House.–Adjourned.

*Thursday, Dec*. 5.

The Journal of the Commissioners for treating with the Indians was read. It is minute and lengthy. The definitive answer of the Indians contains their reasons for rejecting the proposals of the Commissioners, drawn up in a masterly manner, it bears all the appearance of EUropean logic, faintly clad in an Indian dress. All the documents relative to this business were referred to a Committee of the whole on the state of the Union.

A message was received from the President, communication sundry papers relative to our European relations, and also the result of the proceedings of the Commissioners appointed to settle the accounts of the United States with the Individual States.

The first set of papers is introduced by a message, of which the following is a copy:

United States, *Dec*. 5, 1793  GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND OF THE  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

As the present situations of the several nations of Europe, and especially of those with whom the United States have important relations, cannot but render the state of things between them and us; matter of interest ing enquiry to the Legislature, and may indeed give rise to deliberations to which they alone are competent, I have thought it my duty to communicate them certain correspondencies which have taken place.

The Representatives and Executive Bodies of France have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation, and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground; a decree however of the National Assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time, as to the United States, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has been recently stated to us. Representations on this subject will be immediately given in charge to our Minister there, and the result shall be communicated to the Legislature.

It is with extreme concern I have to inform you, that the proceedings of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their Minister Plenipotentiary here have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of that nation which sent him; their tendency on the contrary has been to involve us in a war abroad; and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his acts or those of his agents, have threatened our immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertions of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not imminent, they have been born with, from sentiments of regard to his nation, from a sense of their friendship towards us, from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to  the action of a person who has so little respectedour mu tual dispositions, and, I will add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow citizens in their principles of peace and order. In the mean time, I have respected and pursued the stipulations of our treaties, according to what I judge the true sense; and have withheld no act of friendship which their affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others let us free to perform. I have gone further;–rather than employ force for the restitution of certain vessels which I deemed the United States bound to restore, I thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties, by avowing it to be my opinion, that if restitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the United States to make compensation. The papers now communicated will more particularly apprize you of these transactions.

The vexations and spolitation understood to have been committed on our vessels and commerce by the cruizers and officers of some of the belligerent powers, appeared to require attention. The proofs of these however not having been brought forward, the description of citizens supposed to have suffered were notified, that on furnishing them to the Executive Power, due measures would be taken to obtain redress of the past, and more effectual provisions against the future. Should such documents be furnished ,proper representations will be made thereon, with a just resistance on a redress proportioned to eh exigency of the case.

The BRitish Government having undertaken by orders to the commanders of their armed vessels to restrain generally our commerce in corn and other provisions to their own ports and those of their friends, the instructions now communicated were immediately forwarded to our Minister at that court. In the mean time, some discussionson the subject took place between him and them; these are also laid before you; and I may expect to learn the result of his special instructions in time to make it known to the legislature during their present sessions.

Very early after the arrival of a British Minister here, mutual explanation on the execution of the Treaty of Peace were entered into with that Minister; these are now laid before you for your information.

On the subjects of mutual interest between this country and Spain, negociations and conferences are now depending. The public requiring that the present state of those should be made known to the legislature in confidence only, they shall be the subject of a separate and subsequent communication.

G. WASHINGTON

Mr. Madison reported the draft of an Answer to the Address of the President.

The remainder of this sitting was employed in beginning the reading of the papers received from the President, which are voluminous.

                      
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Winchester, *May*  19.

Two men named Timmons, brothers, as also one Nimrod Higgins, were killed in the wilderness  between Yellow Creek, and Cumberland Mountain, about the 20th ult. by Indians.

Three persons were also lately killed by Indians in Harrison county, near the mouth of the Little Kennaway.

By a letter from the territory south of the Ohio, dated April 25, we learn, that on the 22d of that month, a large party of Indians killed sever person within seven miles of Knoxville, and stole 60 horses from Knox County; that parties of them are daily committing ravages in the territory, and that there is no prospect of putting a stop to their enormities while the Whites are restricted from pursuing them across the Tenessee.

                      
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United States, *June*  4, 1794.

*Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the  House of Representatives,*

Lay before Congress the copy of a letter, with its enclosure, from the Secretary of State to the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty; it being an answer to a letter from the Mnister to him; bearing date the 22 ult. and already communicated.

GEO. WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, *June*  2, 1794.

SIR.

If, the letter with which you honoured me on the 22d ult. had not entered into a train of recrimination against the United States, I should not now trouble you with a return to its unpleasant topics. Among the reasons, which would have induced me to add nothing to my letter the 1st of lat month, its would have been of some weight that by silence I should avoid the repetition of a style and manner, which seem to have produced a personal excitement.

 As you are willing to admit the authenticity of Lord Dorcester's speech, we will, with your approbation, reserve for a future discussion, on what occasion, and to what degree, an explanation may be required by the government of the United States from a foreign minister.

I selected only one passage of that speech, because in it was concentrated the real object of the whole; which was to declare an expectation, that Great Britain would be at War with the united States in the course of the present year. and, if she were, to cause the warriors to draw a line. this is the undisguised sense of the governor-general, unaffected by the preliminary words, which you have thought proper to quote. It is your own interpretation. For so far are you from contradicting my assertion, that Lord Dorchester fostered and encouraged in the Indians, hostile dispositions towards us, that you continue the greater part of your remaining observations to vindicate his persuasion and your own, that the principal aggression, leading to hostility, proceeded from the United States and to suggest many others of the same tendency, upon which you would not dilate.

 I shall not shrink, Sir, from your charges.

1st Notwithstanding the territory, upon which certain inhabitants of Vermont are presented in your letter of the 5th of July, 1792, to have trespassed, belong to the United States; yet on the 9th of the same month did my predecessor give you, as is admitted, positive assurances of the determination to discourage and repress the subject of your complaint. The necessary instructions were accordingly forwarded to that state. On examining your correspondence with my department, it does not appear that from the 9th of July, 1792, to the 10th of March, 1794 upwards of nineteen months, our government ever unrdestood from yourself, or any authority ofhis Britannic Majesty, that the original dissatisfaction continued. Nor was any discontent heard from that quarter through other channels, except what related to outrages upon our own citizens by British subjects. Then, indeed, thirty days after the hostile tribes of Indians had been assembled by Lord Dorchester, at Quebec, you renewyour remonstrance. Although it cannot be by any means believed, that this was written, in order to ausher in the intelligence, which soon after arrived on his speech; ye tit is difficult to account for so long an interval under the circumstances supposed. Nor ought my answer, although delayed for fifty days, until the 19th of April, 1794, to be constured into an assent to any charge, since at the end of that period, having been disappointed, as my letter shews, in one opportunity of information, and no other presenting itself, we were not in a capacity of contradicting your assertions. However, Sir, the instructions, issued in consequence of your application, conveyed positive orders for the correction of what, upon examination, should be found irregular.

2d, Among the points, to which you intimate that you might have adverted, is enumerated the fitting out of two privateers at Charleston, South Carolina. Whatever this transaction might have been, it probably occurred at the commencement of the war, and before the existence of the war was communicated to our government, by any of the powers engaged. Had such a transaction been known to the President in time, you can well judge from his actual conduct, what he would then have done. His proclamation on the 2nd of April, 1793, his call upon the state governors on the 26th of the same months, to co-operate with him in the work of impartiality and peace; the system of rules which he established, and which were imparted to you, are unerring indications of the spirit of those measures, on which he had determined. He suppressed the consular courts, which attempted to pass sentences of condemnation on captures; he restored several vessels to British owners; prosecutions have been instituted against the violaters of neutrality. In a word, Sir, what has been required, under the sanction of the law of nations, which had not been fulfilled? How many thingshave been spontaneously done, to evince our impartiality? Let me request you to review my predecessor’s letters to you of April 22, May 15, June 5, August 7, 8, 25, September 5 and 12, 1793: and to say if more could be well expected from us? After such demonstrations, it might have been hoped, that the equipment of these two privateers would not rise again in the shape of a charge. But the letter of the 5th of June being conceived of itself to be satisfactory, is here inserted.

"In the letter which I had the honour of writing you on the 15th of May, in answer to your several memorials of the 8th of that month, I mentioned that the President, reserved for further consideration, a part of the one which related to the equioment of two privateers in the port of Charleston. The part alluded to was that wherein you express your confidence that the executive government of the United States would pursue measures for represeeing such practices in the future, and for restoring to their rightful owners any captures which such privateers might be bring into the ports of the United States."

"The President,after a full investigation of this subject, and the most mature consideration, has charged me to communicate to you, that the first part of this application is found to be jest, and that effectual measures are taken for preventing repetitions of the act therin complained of; but that the latter part, desiring restitution of the prizes, is understood to be inconsistent with the rules which govern such cafes, and would therefore be unjustifiable towards the other party

"The principal agents in this transaction were French citizens. Being within the United States, at the moment a war broke out between their own and another country, they determine to go in its defence; they purchase, arm, and equip a vessel, with their own money, man it themselves, receive a regular commission from their nation, depart out of the United states, and then commence hostilities by capturing a vessel If, under these circumstance,the commission of the captors was valid, the property, according to the laws of war, was, by the capture, transferred to them; and it would be an aggression on their nation, for the United states to rescue it from them, whether on the high seas, or on coming into their ports. If the commission was not valid and consequently, the property not transferred by the laws of war, to the capture, then the case would have been cognizable in our courts of admiralty, and the owners might have gone thither for redress. So that on neither supposition, would the executive be justifiable in interposing.

With respect to the United States, the transaction can in no wise be imputed to them. It was in the first moment of the war,ߝin one of the their most distant port.ߝbefore measures could be provided by the government to meet all the cases, which such a state of things was to produce, impossible to have known, and therefore impossible to have been prevented by that government.

"The moment it was known, the most energetic orders were sent to every state and port in the union to prevent a repetition of the accident. On a suggestion, that citizens of the United States had taken part in the act, one who was designated, was instantly committed to prison, for prosecution; one or two others have been since named, and committed in like manner; and should it appear, that there were still others, no measures would be spared to bring them to justice. The President had even gone farther; He has required, as a reparation of their breach of respect to the United States, that the vessels so armed and equipped, shall depart from our ports.

"You will see, Sir, in these proceedings of the President, unequivocal proofs of the line of strict right, which he means to pursue. The measures now mentioned, are taken in justice to the one part; the ulterior measure of seizing and restoring the prizes, is declined in justice to the other; and the evil, thus early arrested, will be of very limited effects; perhaps, indeed, soon disappear altogether."

 As to the permission from the governor of South Carolina, ??? ??? departures of ??? privateers ??? ???, you  may assure yourself of a proper inquiry; and I take the liberty of requesting any evidence which you may have of it

 3. With so many direct proofs in your hands, of the opinion constantly maintained by our government against the legality of captures in general made by illegal privateers, it is not easily explained, why the validity of those before the 5th of June, 1793, should be argued, from a refusal to restore them. The above received letter of that date, neither affirms nor disaffirms their validity; but declines the granting of restitutions being inconsistent with the rules which govern such cases. Those ruled are That if the commission be good, the capture is good; if the commission be bad, the capture is bad; but whether it be good or bad, is not decided; it being enough to prove, that the transaction, for the reasons assigned, can in no wise be imputed to the united States. But if captures of this kind, prior to the 5th of June, 1792, do really amount (as is conceived by some) to no very considerable value, this would of itself, lessen the importance of the insinuation.

4th. The secretary of war has undertaken to ascertain the precise state of the privateers le Petit Democrate and la Carmagnole, and the result will be communicated to you. In the mean time, it is a matter of some surprise, that vessels, whose single employment and profit, must consist in cruizing on the ocean, should have remained in the port of New-York during the whole winter, and probably up to the date of your letter (May 22d, 1794) May it not be presumed, that their activity has been checked by the intervention of the government? But, sir, if they have not been dismantled, your letter brings the first notice of the omission.

 5th. It is true, that the sale of prizes made by French cruizers, has not been prohibited in the United States, and that our treaty with France has been so interpreted, as not to contemplate a freedom to sell. The next resort was to the law of nations; which was scrupulously searched by the executive, with the pure desire of discovering truth and justice to all. Upon this, as on many other occasions, the civilians differ; Vattel declaring, That a privateer may carry his prize into a neutral port, and there freely sell it; Martens affirming the same doctrine, if it has not been otherwise regulated by treaty; and others opposing it. in this sxhism among the writers,it was resolved by the President of the United States, to impose no restraint upon those sales; and to refer them; as affairs of legislation, to congress, at the earliest moment of their session. Thus much has been observed, not as my final anser, but merely to introduce an assurance, that I will follow you in the main discussion, whensoever you shall bring it forward in detail.

6th. Undoubtedly, sir, you have been misinformed, that the vessels of France have been permitted to depart from our ports, notwithstanding the embargo. As the history of the executive proceedings is neither long, nor entangled, it shall be frankly stated to you. As soon as the embargo was laid, expresses and advice boats were dispatched, to notify the officer of the customs and revenue cutters, and all others concerned in its execution. The resolution imposing it, involved all foreign nations; the instructions from the United States, favoured no nation, directly or indirectly. A French snow, La Camille, which had descended the river Delaware as low as New-Castle on her voyage, was stopped by an officer of the United States; and the President, adhering to perfect impartiality could not think himself justified, to gratify the Minister of the French Republic with a passport. Passports being kept under the special view of the President were issued only after his examinatino of each case, and the total number of them does not exceed twenty-six. Among them, was one to yourself; one to an agent who was sent to the West-Indies, upon a business connected with the late captures and condemnation in various British courts of admiralty; one to a citizen whose vessel was under trial in Bermuda, and who was anxious to forward the British instructions of the 8th January, 1794, with a hope of rescuing her from confiscation; one to the friends of Joshua Barney then in Jamica; twenty for the accomodation of several unfortunate inhabitants of St. Domingo, to some of whome our government was advancing money for their support, and who could no longer endure their separation from home; one to some other persons in peculiar circumstances, desirous of returning to the West-Indies; and in the last instance, one to the Minister of the French Republic. If, therefore, by any other passport, or permission; the embargo has been relaxed, it was unauthorized by the President, and unlawful. The distance of Hampton Road from this city, being more than three hundred miles, the officers of government, resident  here, could not learn, at the moment, what was passing there. No intelligence of an official nature of any real importance. No complaint from any other foreign minister, or any othe rpseron, has since reached us. If, Sir, you should happen to possess the information, I ask it as a favour, of you, to designate, who granted the permission, and under what circumstances the French vessels left that road? An investigation, however, has been, and shall be pursued, on our part, without delay. If the law has been violated, it shall be vindicated; but a violation of law, is very remote from a permission of the government.

 7th. The uniformly unfriendly treatment which the British officers are said to have experienced in the United States, cannot be answered, until it shall be more explicitly defined. Did this treatment break forth in words or actions, not cognizable by law? If so, no complaint can be offered to government. Or in words or action, which were so cognizable? Our courts are free to foreigners against citizens, and independent of influence. To yourself let me appeal, that on the representations, which you thought proper to lay before the President, in relation to the British consul at Baltimore, the British consul at Norfolk, and the commander of the DȰdalus frigate, the necessary measures were promptly adopted; the result has been transmitted to you, and no objection has been returned. Nor was the government backward in its interference in the late affair of Philadelphia. And these eing the only occurrences of the kind within my knowledge, i trust, that no example can be produced of government refusing to extend its protection on every seasonable occasion.

8th. The events at Newport, in Rhode-Island are accurately detailed in the proceedings, which I have the honour of enclosing to you. Within the limits of the present letter, I cannot do more; as it might be an useless talk to detain you with remarks, when non of them might be adapted to the animadversions which you mediate. It is enough, therefore, for me to engage, that these animadversions, whenever they shall appear, shall receive particular attention.

Although, Sir, your charges against the United States are sketched only; the impression, which may have been intended, cannot be counteracted too soon, by such general elucidations, as at a future day may be more minutely unfolded. But let these facts be as they will; are they indicative of a hostile disposition in the United States, and ought they ultimately to produce a state of war? This is not the place for us to retort our complaints. But compare them with the whole of your catalogue; and say, what may our feeling be? Yet we prefer peace.

9th. As Lord Dorchester's endeavour to stir up the Indians against us, is without justification; so is the expedition of Governor Simcoe without pretext.

That you have received no intelligence of such an event having actually occurred, leaves room to conjecture, that you may not be without intelligence of it having been designed; and that it has therefore probably taken place. But you insist that much will depend on the place intended for the fort. Let the point allotted for it on the Miami, be unknown; the place is for our immediate purpose adequatley market out by eing on the river. A single glance of the eye over the map, proves that its source is within the limits of the United States. In its whole length it is flanked on each side by our territory. Its very mouth is to the Southward of our line, as recognised by our treaty with his Britannic Majesty. On no part therefore of the rapids can a fort be built, but within out country.

This being fixed, your argument is, that if the fort be for the purpose of protecting subjects of his majesty, residing in districts, dependent on the fort of Detroit, or of preventing that fortress from being straitened by the approach of the American army; the principle of *statu quo*, until the final arrangement of the point in discussion between the two countries shall be concluded, will strictly apply.

To change by hostile movements the condition of a thing, concerning which a treaty is opened, not being consonant with the spirit of adjustment, the principle of *statu quo*  has been generally adopted. The nearest point of the rapids to Detroit cannot be less than fifty miles. They have never been considered, they never could be considered, as appending to Detroit. But you proceed and say, tha tthe proposed assumption of territory may depend on districts, which depend on Detroit. It is too obvious to dwell upon the remark, that if Detroit which lies within the United States, becomes the first station from which a district may be generated, one encroachment may beget another *ad  infinitum*. It will, however, be very acceptable to understand with accuracy, how much of our territory towards the Miami was actually possessed by the military establishment of Detroit at the time of peace. I mention the military establishment; because if any subjects of his Britainnic majesty reside beyond the line of actual possess, they are, as being within our limits, under our jurisdiction.

To prevent the fortress of Detroit from being straitened by the approach of the American army, is either a new modification of the preceding idea, or founded upon a untenable suspicion. For the question must recur, are the rapids an appendage to Detroit? Were they connected with it at the peace? If convenience only were to be consulted, and a wide range of unsettled territory, by being suitable to the momentary circumstances of one nation, is to be transferred for that reason alone from another,  which is the true proprietor, we might even then controvert the conveniency of the rapids to Detroit. If right be consulted, our right is complete. Is then our territory to be thus seized? Nay, more sir, I am authorized to say to you explicitly, that the American army has no instructions to straiten or annoy that post; and that if the descent on the rapids was dictated by this consideration, it ought to be discontinued without cause.

I have the honour,  Sir, to be with great respect,  Your most obedient servant, EDM. RANDOLPH.

Mr. Hammond, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty.

True Copy. GEO. TAYLOR, jun.

                      
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*Message from *General Washington *to Congress,  May *21.

"Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,

"I lay before you certain information, whereby it would appear that some encroachment as about to be made on our territory, by an Officer and party of British troops. Proceeding upon a supposition of the authenticity of this information, although of a private nature, I have caused the representation to be made to the British Minister, a copy of which accompanies this Message.

"It cannot be necessary to comment upon the very serious nature of such an encroachment, nor to urge that this new state of things suggests the propriety of placing the united States in a posture of effectual preparation for an event, which, notwithstanding the endeavours making to avert it, may, y circumstances beyond our controul, be forced upon us. G. Washington."

By a letter from Mr. Randolph, the American Secretary of State, to Mr Hammond, the information alluded to we find to be, "That Governor Simcoe had gone to the foot of the Rapids of teh Miami, followed by three companies of a British regiment, in order to build a fort there"ߝWhich Mr. Hammond, in his answer, rather qualifies than denies.

 In the debate in Congress, on taking off the embargo, several members said they had voted for the embargo, merely as a part of a general plan of retaliation upon Great Britain; but that as the more effential parts of that plan, particularly the prohibiting of all commercial intercourse between America and Great Britain had been over-ruled, the embargo was injurious only to the subjects of teh United States, and therefore ought to be taken off.

In Philadelphia and several other ports, the masters and mates of American ships held meetings, and published resolutions, declaring that they would not put to sea, until they could be assured that their flag would be respected, and their persons protected from such indignities as many of them had lately experienced. This they did after the embargo was at an end.

                      
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Philadelphia, *June*  3.  [ Authentic.]

*Copy of a letter from General Wilkins, to Col. C. Biddl,  dated Pittsburgh, *23 *d May*, 1794.

"I this moment received yours of the 17th inst. I arrived about fifteen minutes ago from Le Boeuf, and left the detachment there well covered, and in good spirits. They have built, under my directions, two small block-houses, picketed in, which I think will render them sufficiently strong until the reinforcement goes under Capt. Denny.

"The Indians I have conversed with still continue of the opinion that the British will make an opposition to the establishment at Presque Isle. There arrived at Cuslawago, while I was there, an Indian from Sandusky, where he had been left by the Senecas last fall sick;ߝhe says the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, M'Kee, and Elliot the Indian agent, (the two last refugees from this country) were visiting all the Indian towns in that quarter, and exciting them to continue their opposition to the Americans, and assuring them of support from their father the British monarch. He further adds that they were ready for fighting Gen. Wayne the moment he moved; and that the British were erecting garrisons at the Miami river. Heconfirms the accounts of the other Indians, that they were determined to oppose the establishment at Presque Isle."

There were in the Port of Philadelphia on the 25th of May.

62 Ships,  73 Brigs,  7 Snows,  60 Schooners,  42 Sloops.  244

*In the House of Representatives of the United  States, Thursday June *5, 1794.

The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, on the report of the Committee, to whom was referred the remonstrance of the People west of the Alleghany Mountains, relative to the navigation of the river Mississippi, and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Trumbull reported, that the Committee, according to order, had the same report under consideration, and come to a resolution thereupon, which he delivered in at the Clerk's table, where the same was twice read, and agreed to by the House, as follows:

Resolved, That as it appear, from the communications of the Executive, that the right of the United States to the free navigation of the Mississippi, is now the subject of negotiation with the Court of Spain; and as it is the interest of the United States, and every part thereof, to come to an amicable adjustment of the right in that mode, rather than resort to any means constitutionally belonging to the Legislature, no farther proceeding should be had on the said remonstrance, during the present session of Congress.

Extract from the Journal.

                      
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American papers are received, dated October, 4.  1794. They contain two letters from General  Wayne to the American Secretary at War, giving  an account of a severe action he had with the Indi ans, who were assisted by the volunteers and militia  of Detroit on the 20th August, on the banks of  the Miamis, in the vicinity of the British post and  garrison at the foot of the Rapids.–The action  was bloody, and he says, "our army was left in  full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which  terminated under the influence of the guns of the  British garrison, as you will observe by the inclosed  correspondence which passed between Major Camp bell Commandant and myself upon the occasion."  He adds℃"We remained three days and nights  on the banks of the Miamis, in front of the field  of battle; during which time all the houses and  corn fields were consumed and destroyed for a con siderable distance both above and below Fork Mia mis, as well as within pistol shot of that garrison,  who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to  this general devastation and conflagration, among  which were the stores and houses of Colonel Mac kee, the British Indian agent and principal stimu lator of the war now exiting between the United  States and the Savages.

 The American paper from which this account  is taken, does not give the correspondence above  alluded to, but concludes the article thus: 

"Besides the very important papers which we  have been able to offer to our readers this day, the  Executive, we understand, has received copies of a  correspondence between the British Major Camp bell, and General Wayne. The Major begins it  by inquiring of the General by what authority he  came there. The General answers by requiring  to know who gave Campbell authority to establish  a fort at that place, it being within our side of the  treaty boundary, and no such establishment there  when that instrument was signed. We hope ere  long our gallant General will give a good account  of this Mr. Campbell."

                      
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